Of course it would be impolite not to mention Niall Ferguson's work on the J-Triber Talmudic Take-over:
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Muckety is interesting...
http://www.muckety.com/Henry-A-Kissinger/1864.muckety (http://www.muckety.com/Henry-A-Kissinger/1864.muckety)
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Siegmund Warburg, the City and the Financial Roots of European Integrationby
Niall Ferguson
QuoteThe division between the Six and the Seven is potentially very disruptive and splits Europe into
two parts which, if the present trend is allowed to continue, will not later merge. It was said that
Great Britain needs Germany as Marlborough needed Prince Eugene of Savoy and Castlereagh
needed Metternich. You are the unrivalled master in business mergers. As the most prominent
Anglo-German you are the best qualified to work for the consolidation of Europe. With you
background, knowledge, and your constructive, creative genius you should be successful in
completing this noble task of peace ... [leading] towards the unity of Europe, which I fervently
hope will be realised.
Fritz Oppenheimer to Siegmund Warburg, May 24, 1966
...
This article seeks to redress the balance by putting the Eurobond market at the
very centre of the history of West European integration in the 1960s. The key argument
advanced here is that it was bankers, not politicians, who made the running in this period.
In some measure, no doubt, their motive was narrowly self-interested; the prime motive
was the profit motive. Yet there is also compelling evidence that the architects of the
Eurobond market also had a political agenda. They regarded it not only as a way of
making money, but also as a potent device for advancing Europe's political integration.
In particular, they appreciated that European capital market integration could reinforce
the case for British membership of the EEC. Among the most powerful arguments against
British membership was the legacy of sterling's historic role as a reserve currency. The
accumulation in London of "sterling balances" by foreign governments and central banks
made the ailing British economy vulnerable to periodic crises of confidence, so long as
the country continued to run current account deficits. (Britain had international reserves
of foreign exchange and gold of little more than £1 billion, but the sterling balances rose
from just over £3 billion in 1958 to £6 billion ten year later.9) This was analogous to the
contemporaneous American problem with the dollar: the providers of international
reserve currencies had to run balance of payments deficits in order to supply the world
with their currencies, but in so doing their currencies became vulnerable to crises of
confidence. The French, convinced they were subsidizing the Americans, also feared they
would end up having to prop up sterling if Britain joined the EEC, since membership was
expected to worsen the UK balance of payments; this was a key reason for both de
Gaulle's vetoes of British membership in 1963 and 1967.10 The counterargument
developed by the pioneers of the Eurobond market was that the French could not exclude
Britain indefinitely if London re-established itself as Europe's financial centre for
transactions in currencies other than sterling.11 Part of the significance of the Eurobond
market for proponents of British membership was that it turned the City of London from
a liability into an asset.
In this story a leading role was played by the banker Siegmund Warburg. Though
born in Germany, Warburg had emigrated to England in 1934 and by the early 1960s had
established the bank he founded there with a group of other German-Jewish émigrés as
the most dynamic and innovative merchant bank in the City of London. Despite having
obtained a seat on the prestigious Accepting Houses Committee, S.G. Warburg & Co.
was in many ways quite different from the established merchant banks, even those that
had been founded by German-Jewish families in the previous century. The bank's core
business was the provision of high-quality financial advice to British companies, for
which it was able to charge substantial fees. This focus reflected the lessons Warburg and
his collaborators had learned from the Great Depression about the dangers of
conventional deposits-and-loans banking; it also reflected the changed circumstances of
the post-war world, in which national capital markets remained subject to a plethora of
exchange and capital controls. Nevertheless, Warburg always yearned for a return to the
days of less regulated international finance and spent much of his later career trying to
devise ways to link his London firm with other institutions in New York, Paris, Hamburg,
Frankfurt and Zurich. At the same time, he was also a convinced proponent of European
economic and political integration. In the 1920s and 1930s, he and other family members
had been generous supporters of the Pan-European movement founded by
Richard, Count
Coudenhove-Kalergi.12 To Warburg there seemed no necessary conflict between global—
and particularly transatlantic—financial integration and European political integration.
On the contrary, the experience of the 1920s seemed to suggest that they were
complementary processes. It had been when capital was flowing across the Atlantic at the
Quote12 Katiana Orluc, "A Wilhelmine Legacy? Coudenhove-Kalergi's 'Paneuropa' as an Alternative Path
towards a European (Post-)Modernity, 1922–1932", in Geoff Eley and James Retallack (eds),
Wilhelminism and its Legacies: German Modernities, Imperialism, and the Meanings of Reform, 1890-
1930 (Oxford / New York, 2003).
time of the Dawes Plan that the prospects for Franco-German rapprochement had seemed
rosiest. The breakdown of the global financial system in the Depression had been
followed in short order by European disintegration. A second lesson Warburg learned
from the 1930s, however, was that explicit calls for European union were unlikely to
succeed because of the resilience of nationalism throughout the continent. By the postwar
period, therefore, he had become convinced that the only way to advance the cause
of European integration was by economic means—reversing Europeans into a united
Europe through the back door of commercial and above all financial integration. Given
his outlook and ambitions, it is not surprising that it was Warburg who was the driving
force behind the creation of the Eurobond market. In its technical design—a
supranational market that could somehow co-exist with continued national limitations on
capital mobility—and its covert political function, it epitomized his subtle
Weltanschauung.As a young man in the Germany of the 1920s, Siegmund Warburg had been a convinced
Pan-European. He believed, as he wrote to his friend Ernst Kocherthaler in 1927, "that
Europe has passed the culmination point of nationalism, or rather particularism, and is
moving with very slow steps in the direction of consolidation".13 He discussed with
Coudenhove-Kalergi ways of linking the latter's Pan-European movement to the
contemporaneous campaign for international disarmament. Among Warburg's proposals
at this time was one for "a central European ring of states united through a court of
arbitration with pooled sovereignty in military matters and consisting of Germany,
Holland and the Scandinavian states etc."14
Ten years later, with Hitler's dictatorship
firmly established and radical nationalists in power all over Central, Southern and Eastern
Europe, such notions had come to seem naïve. Nevertheless, Warburg continued to assist
Coudenhove-Kalergi—helping him, for example, to find an English publisher for his
books. Even after the outbreak of war in 1939, Warburg clung to the idea of some kind of
political union of Europe, seeing the wartime Anglo-French alliance as the potentially
"sound foundament [sic] for a new Commonwealth which should not be all embracing,
but a nucleus for a really strong combination of people with European background ..."15
With France defeated and no end to the war in sight, he continued to toy with schemes for
"West European Association", convinced that Britain's post-war future lay in developing
its ties with Europe, not the Empire.16 In 1942 he urged Stafford Cripps to "to use the
presence of all the refugee Governments residing here in order to declare the constitution
of some sort of the United States of Europe in however fragmentary form it may be".17 A
memorandum he drafted for Cripps proposed a post-war "Association of Western Europe
under British Leadership" that would act as the "the nucleus for a European
Commonwealth of Nations". This Association, Warburg suggested, would have
"Supreme Authority" over "(a) Military affairs; (b) Transport and Communications; (c)
Planning of Public Works [and] (d) Currency arrangements". There was no use, he
argued, in expecting the United States to make long-term commitments to Europe's postwar
stability. Instead, the United Kingdom should take the lead in "convert[ing] a
temporary coalition and war alliance into a free but durable and far-going merger of
economic interests and effective power".18
As in the 1920s, so in the 1940s, Warburg
therefore remained committed to the idea of explicit political union. In a draft manifesto
he sketched on the same theme, he explicitly called for an end to national sovereignty "in
the old legal sense", proposing that in post-war Europe, states would "have to delegate
certain privileges so far embedded in their sovereignty to their respective Federation,
which will delegate certain rights to common European Institutions". In late 1942, he
wrote an article entitled "The Principles of Federal Union", which developed this line of
argument further.19 He continued throughout the later 1940s to hope that some kind of
European union might emerge under joint Anglo-French leadership.20
http://www.wcfia.harvard.edu/sites/defa ... robond.pdf (http://www.wcfia.harvard.edu/sites/default/files/Ferguson_Eurobond.pdf)
QuoteAshley Mote (EU): "Mr President, I wish to draw your attention to the Global Security Fund, set up in the early 1990s under the auspices of Jacob Rothschild. This is a Brussels-based fund and it is no ordinary fund: it does not trade, it is not listed and it has a totally different purpose. It is being used for geopolitical engineering purposes, apparently under the guidance of the intelligence services." "I have previously asked about the alleged involvement of the European Union's own intelligence resources in the management of slush funds in offshore accounts, and I still await a reply. To that question I now add another: what are the European Union's connections to the Global Security Fund and what relationship does it have with European Union institutions? "Recently, Ashley Mote of the European Union (EU) asked this volatile question in a public EU meeting, a question never answered,Quotehttp://www.rense.com/general79/tril.htm (http://www.rense.com/general79/tril.htm)
Niall Ferguson... totally clueless to J-Triber control of the Eurobond...--CSR
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Are The Europeans About To Start The Second Half Of Our Great Depression?
Tyler Durden's picture
Submitted by Tyler Durden on 05/26/2012 19:58
"Just when we think the worst is over - and let's face it we have been in this crisis for five years - we get the second half; are the Europeans about to start the second half our Great Depression with massive bank runs" are the Jaws-music-inspired words that recent media-favorite (yes, us too) Niall Ferguson uses in an interview with CBC. His main concern is that this kind of (bank-run) event can quickly spiral out of the control of even the ECB as he uncomfortably conjures the image of the initial US stabilization that occurred in 1930 to May 1931 only to be knocked back into a greater depression by the failure of Credit-Anstalt, which set off bank failures and eventually defaults in 1932 on many government debts. The deposit run potential is the single-biggest reason to care about Greek-exit - in itself it is not large enough economically to interfere with global growth but it is the message and contagion that it sends that is critical in bringing forth a pan-European banking crisis and implicitly spilling over to the US and Asia via global trade and banking transmission channels. An excellent brief interview that summarizes the exact fears that face Europe and implicitly the US, explains the rather simple solution of fiscal federalism and the fact that today's German politik is very different from 1989's Helmut Kohl-era with regard to their commitment to the Federal outcome. His conclusions are worrisome. Germany is the key - and there is not a good understanding of financial markets in Berlin.
Six minutes well-spent on a Saturday evening...
Europe is a part of North America's destiny because the financial systems are so intertwined - and remember even the all-knowing Fed massively under-estimated the second-order effects of Lehman.
"It's a total fantasy to think that the meltdown that I am discussing that could happen in a matter of weeks would not have a major impact on North America's prospects of sustained recovery."
Jew Bank Runs follow as people see their insolvent Jew-banks collapse ...
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http://www.zerohedge.com/news/are-europ ... depression (http://www.zerohedge.com/news/are-europeans-about-start-second-half-our-great-depression)