Over-promoted Idiot Jews at Harvard

[CrackSmokeRepublican]

Just found a "classic" example...

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Now Read This! Heidi Grant Halvorson's "Succeed: How We Can Reach Our Goals"
Posted on May 9, 2011 by Stuart Dauermann

As a productivity junkie, I often read books to improve my work habits and motivations.  One of the most outstanding I have read in the past fifty years is Succeed: How We Can Reach Our Goals, by Heidi Grant Halvorson. PhD.  Inspired by the book, I recently interviewed her on my radio show, Shalom Talk: Conversations for Change (http://www.shalomtalk.com).  Today I want to tell you about Dr. Halvorson and her book.  Reading and applying what she has to say is sure to empower you and your productivity.

Heidi Grant Halvorson is a social psychologist, educational consultant, and most recently Assistant Professor of Psychology at Lehigh University. She received her doctorate at Columbia University, where she was mentored by Carol Dweck. She specializes in understanding how people respond to setbacks and challenges, and how these responses are shaped by the types of goals individuals pursue.  She has been published in a number of the finest professional journals in her field, has received several grants from the National Science Foundation and writes a blog, "The Science of Success" for Psychology Today.  She is a regular contributor to  Fast Company, the Harvard Business Review, Huffington Post, and more!

In her own words, her book is about "understanding how goals work, what tends to go wrong, and what you can do to reach your goals or to help others reach theirs."   One of her underlying themes is how we may structure and conceive of our goals in ways that either reinforce or undermine our chances for success and persistence.  Another consistent theme is the malleability of human character and performance. We need to jettison the self-talk that says "I'm just no good at . . ." We can be better and we can do better, and in this delightful book, Dr Halvorson shows us how.

Unlike so many other books to be found in the psychology section of your local book store, she is not dishing out hyped and inflated bright-sounding ideas. What makes this work stand out from thousands of other self-help books is how she continually grounds her advice in extensive research. And what makes the book perhaps most fascinating is how she repeatedly demonstrates that much of the goal-setting and goal-achieving advice we have followed and passed on to others is not only wrong: it may actually do more harm than good.  For example, in her first chapter, "Do You Know Where You Are Going," she proves that better than telling someone to "Just do your best," one ought to set goals that are specific and challenging.  Such goals give us something concrete to shoot for, to measure ourselves by and to strategize around, all of which are missing in the "just do your best" scenario.  In the latter case one never really knows how one is doing, and this is a recipe for discouragement.

In chapter three, "The Goals That Keep You Moving Forward," she demonstrates that we are more likely to persist in pursuit of our goals when we concentrate not on being good, or in measuring up to some envisioned ideal, but rather when we instead concentrate on getting better. And true to form, she summarizes research studies that prove this to be the case.

Perhaps my favorite insight is the "If-Then Principle," which mightily helps us increase the odds that we will follow through on resolutions and projects we have committed to.  What the research demonstrates is that one more than doubles one's chances of following through on commitments or goals if one simply links ones intention to a "when." For example, for a person seeking to find time to memorize a script, Scripture texts, or words in a foreign language, one almost guarantees follow-through if one says something like this: On Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays, when I always have to wait a half an hour to be picked up by the car pool, I will do my memory work."  Simply deciding specifically when one intends to do something almost guarantees that one will follow through.  Indeed, Dr Halvorson says that structuring things in this way causes our subconscious to get to work on making it happen.

Another take-away from the book is her explanation of intrinsic versus extrinsic motivation (being motivated by forces outside oneself versus being self-motivated).  The latter is always better.   Her illuminating treatment of the human need for a sense of competence, relatedness and autonomy alone is worth the price of this book, something also true of the myriad other insights she provides so clearly and convincingly.

If you enjoy being productive, if you sense that your life needs to count for more, or if you know someone who is bogged down, get this book. I just finished it, and am about to begin another read-through.  Every chapter will enhance your life and expand your capacities.

Listen to my interview with Heidi at http://shalomtalk.com/listennows4.php

And don't forget her book:  Heidi Grant Halvorson, Succeed: How We Can Reach Our Goals (New York, Hudson Street Press), 2011.

http://www.messianicjudaism.me/agenda/2 ... our-goals/


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Harvard Business Review November 21, 2011, 6:53 PM EST
The Trouble With Bright Kids
Chances are, if you're a successful professional today, you were a pretty bright fifth-grader

By Heidi Grant Halvorson

It's not easy to live up to your fullest potential. There are so many obstacles that can get in the way: bosses that don't appreciate what you have to offer, tedious projects that take up too much of your time, economies where job opportunities are scarce, the difficulty of juggling career, family, and personal goals.

But smart, talented people rarely realize that one of the toughest hurdles they'll have to overcome lies within.

People with above-average aptitudes — the ones we recognize as being especially clever, creative, insightful, or otherwise accomplished — often judge their abilities not only more harshly, but fundamentally differently, than others do (particularly in Western cultures). Gifted children grow up to be more vulnerable, and less confident, even when they should be the most confident people in the room. Understanding why this happens is the first step to righting a tragic wrong. And to do that, we need to take a step back in time.

Chances are good that if you are a successful professional today, you were a pretty bright fifth-grader. You did well in several subjects (maybe every subject), and were frequently praised by your teachers and parents when you excelled.

When I was a graduate student at Columbia, my mentor Carol Dweck and another student, Claudia Mueller, conducted a study looking at the effects of different kinds of praise on fifth-graders. Every student got a relatively easy first set of problems to solve and were praised for their performance. Half of them were given praise that emphasized their high ability ("You did really well. You must be really smart!"). The other half were praised instead for their strong effort ("You did really well. You must have worked really hard!").

Next, each student was given a very difficult set of problems — so difficult, in fact, that few students got even one answer correct. All were told that this time they had "done a lot worse." Finally, each student was given a third set of easy problems — as easy as the first set had been — in order to see how having a failure experience would affect their performance.

Dweck and Mueller found that children who were praised for their "smartness" did roughly 25% worse on the final set of problems compared to the first. They were more likely to blame their poor performance on the difficult problems to a lack of ability, and consequently they enjoyed working on the problems less and gave up on them sooner.

Children praised for the effort, on the other hand, performed roughly 25% better on the final set of problems compared to the first. They blamed their difficulty on not having tried hard enough, persisted longer on the final set of problems, and enjoyed the experience more.

It's important to remember that in Dweck and Mueller's study, there were no mean differences in ability between the kids in the "smart" praise and "effort" praise groups, nor in past history of success — everyone did well on the first set, and everyone had difficulty on the second set. The only difference was how the two groups interpreted difficulty — what it meant to them when the problems were hard to solve. "Smart" praise kids were much quicker to doubt their ability, to lose confidence, and to become less effective performers as a result.

The kind of feedback we get from parents and teachers as young children has a major impact on the implicit beliefs we develop about our abilities — including whether we see them as innate and unchangeable, or as capable of developing through effort and practice. When we do well in school and are told that we are "so smart," "so clever," or "such a good student," this kind of praise implies that traits like smartness, cleverness, and goodness are qualities you either have or you don't. The net result: when learning something new is truly difficult, smart-praise kids take it as sign that they aren't "good" and "smart," rather than as a sign to pay attention and try harder.

Incidentally, this is particularly true for women. As young girls, they learn to self-regulate (i.e., sit still and pay attention) more quickly than boys. Consequently they are more likely to be praised for "being good," and more likely to infer that "goodness" and "smartness" are innate qualities. In a study Dweck conducted in the 1980′s, for instance, she found that bright girls, when given something to learn that was particularly foreign or complex, were quick to give up compared to bright boys — and the higher the girls' IQ, the more likely they were to throw in the towel. In fact, the straight-A girls showed the most helpless responses.

We continue to carry these beliefs, often unconsciously, around with us throughout our lives. And because bright kids are particularly likely to see their abilities as innate and unchangeable, they grow up to be adults who are far too hard on themselves — adults who will prematurely conclude that they don't have what it takes to succeed in a particular arena, and give up way too soon.

Even if every external disadvantage to an individual's rising to the top of an organization is removed — every inequality of opportunity, every unfair stereotype, all the challenges we face balancing work and family — we would still have to deal with the fact that through our mistaken beliefs about our abilities, we may be our own worst enemy.

How often have you found yourself avoiding challenges and playing it safe, sticking to goals you knew would be easy for you to reach? Are there things you decided long ago that you could never be good at? Skills you believed you would never possess? If the list is a long one, you were probably one of the bright kids — and your belief that you are "stuck" being exactly as you are has done more to determine the course of your life than you probably ever imagined. Which would be fine, if your abilities were innate and unchangeable. Only they're not.

No matter the ability — whether it's intelligence, creativity, self-control, charm, or athleticism — studies show them to be profoundly malleable. When it comes to mastering any skill, your experience, effort, and persistence matter a lot. So if you were a bright kid, it's time to toss out your (mistaken) belief about how ability works, embrace the fact that you can always improve, and reclaim the confidence to tackle any challenge that you lost so long ago.

Provided by Harvard Business Review—Copyright © 2011 Harvard Business School Publishing. All rights reserved. Harvard Business Publishing is an affiliate of Harvard Business School.

http://www.businessweek.com/printer/man ... 12011.html


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Total Idiot Over-promoted J-Tribe B.S.    

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Dweck, Carol S.
Lewis and Virginia Eaton Professor

Email:

http://mindsetonline.com

BRAINOLOGY  http://www.brainology.us/


Research Summary:

My work bridges developmental psychology, social psychology, and personality psychology, and examines the self-conceptions (or mindsets) people use to structure the self and guide their behavior. My research looks at the origins of these mindsets, their role in motivation and self-regulation, and their impact on achievement and interpersonal processes.
Education
Ph.D. Social and Developmental Psychology, Yale University, 1972
Awards

HONORS & AWARDS:

Elected to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 2003

Ann L. Brown Award for Excellence in Developmental Research, University of Illinois, 2009

Leadership Award, Klingenstein Center, Teachers College, Columbia University 2010

E.L. Thorndike Career Achievement Award in Educational Psychology, American Psychological Association, 2010

Distinguished University Lecturer, University of Hong Kong, March 2010

Invited Addresses, University of Herzeliya, Israel, April 2010

Annual Greenwald Distinguished Speaker in Social Psychology, Ohio State University, May 2010

Keynote Address, Annual Head Start Conference, Washington, DC, June 2010

Keynote Address, International Society for Gifted Education, Paris, July 2010

Elected, Herbert Simon Fellow of the Academy of Political and Social Science, 2010

Brotherton Fellowship, University of Melbourne, August-September 2011

Distinguished Scientific Contribution Award, American Psychological Association 2011

Gallery of Scientists, Federation of Associations in Behaviorial & Brain Sciences (FABBS) 2011
   
Attachment   Size
VITA Dweck.pdf   226.17 KB
A social-cognitive approach to motivation and personality.pdf   1.93 MB
Young children's vulnerability to self-blame and helplessness.pdf   1.33 MB
Lay Dispositionism and Implicit Theories of Personality.pdf   1.12 MB
Implicit Theories and Evaluative Processes in Person Cognition.pdf   230.63 KB
Implicit Theories and Conceptions of Morality.pdf   2.04 MB
Children's Thinking About Traits: Implications for Judgments of the Self and Others.pdf   1.37 MB
Stereotype Formation and Endorsement- The Role of Implicit Theories.pdf   1.85 MB
Praise for Intelligence Can Undermine Children's Motivation and Performance.pdf   2.22 MB
Differential Use of Person Information in Decision-Making About Guilt vs Innocense.pdf   400.5 KB
Person vs process praise and criticism - Implications for Contingent Self Worth and Coping.pdf   1.88 MB
The Impact of Children's static vs dynamic conceptions of people on stereotype information.pdf   207.31 KB
Implicit theories, attributions and coping: A meaning system approach.pdf   1.78 MB
Person theories and attention allocation: Preference for stereotypic vs counterstereotypic information.pdf   2.7 MB
Clarifying Achievement Goals and their Impact.pdf   89.45 KB
Violations of Implicit Theories and the Sense of Prediction and Control.pdf   180.37 KB
Finding "meaning" in psychology - A lay theories approach to self-regulation, social perception, and social development.pdf   183.75 KB
Is math a gift? Beliefs that put females at risk.pdf   106.93 KB
Children's Biased Evaluations of Lucky vs Unlucky People and their Social Groups.pdf   53.99 KB
Why do beliefs about intelligence influence learning success?.pdf   631.84 KB
Voicing Conflict: Preferred Conflict Strategies Among Incremental and Entity Theorists.pdf   118.39 KB
Implicit Theories of Intelligence Predict Achievement Across an Adolescent Transition.pdf   184.67 KB
Subtle linguistic cues impact children's motivation.pdf   66.4 KB
Evidence for infants' internal working models of attachment.pdf   55.13 KB
Defensiveness vs Remediation - Self Theories and modes of self-esteem maintenance.pdf   265.51 KB
A blueprint for social cognitive development.pdf   109.25 KB
Can Personality Be Changed? The role of beliefs in personality and change.pdf    63.01 KB
The hidden zero effect.pdf   58.27 KB
Solving problems like a social psychologist.pdf   63.72 KB
Ego-Depletion - Is It All In Your Head?.pdf   266 KB
Adolescents' Implicit Theories Predict Desire for Vengeance .pdf   330.25 KB

[mkpete777]

I have found the easiest way to reaching a goal is to develop a devastating slapshot.

[CrackSmokeRepublican]

Well, most Jews at Harvard have been a net "negative" in all respects... they've been put into Wallstreet JEW SCAMS in the 1000s.... collectively the NET PRODUCE of JEWS at HARVARD is ZERO for AMERICA... even NEGATIVE if one really accounts for it.