The Invention of the Jewish Gaucho: Villa Clara and the Construction of Argentine Identity

Started by CrackSmokeRepublican, February 08, 2012, 11:21:12 PM

Previous topic - Next topic

CrackSmokeRepublican

The Invention of the Jewish Gaucho: Villa Clara and the Construction of Argentine Identity.

Judith Noemi Freidenberg,  Austin: University of Texas Press, 2009. 184 pp.

Since the publication of Alberto Gerchunoff's stories in 1910, the saga of the Jewish gauchos has become a central part of the narrative of Argentine immigration. For both the descendants of early Jewish immigrants and Argentine society, it provided a cherished tale of successful integration--a symbolic link to the origins, for the former, and an example of the welcoming nature of the land and its people, for the latter. Judith Freidenberg refers to recent reevaluations of Gerchunoff's work but, despite its title, that is not the main focus of this book. Freidenberg is more interested in the topic suggested in the subtitle--a reassessment of the immigration narrative in the construction of Argentine identity from a local perspective. Since she has chosen the historical perspective of the inhabitants of Villa Clara--located at the heart of the rural settlements created by the efforts of Baron Maurice de Hirsch and the Jewish Colonization Association in the Province of Entre Rios--Jewish rural immigration is an important element of this study, but not an exclusive one. (In fact, a central point in her retelling of the story of Jewish rural immigrants is that it cannot be understood in isolation, for they interacted and were influenced by previous inhabitants of the land and by settlers of a variety of ethnicities.) Thus, history and memory are the central foci of this book--in particular, how the past is remembered by peoples of diverse origins in Villa Clara as they construct the story of immigration of their ancestors from Europe and the place of different versions of that past in the collective and official history of the town. As the officially sanctioned local story has traditionally emphasized its Jewish origins, other European groups have found ways to claim a part in the foundational story, but the voices of the residents of non-European descent have remained marginal. Freidenberg proposes to revise this homogenous version of the local past--and, by implication, of Argentina's foundational immigration narrative-with a more complex reading that takes into account the influence of generation, ethnicity, class, and power dynamics.

The premise of the book is promising, yet the results are mixed. After an overview of different phases of immigration from Europe to Entre Rios during the second half of the 19th century and the early 20th century (chapter 2), the book focuses on the history of Jewish rural colonization and the origins of Villa Clara (chapter 3), the integration of Jewish immigrants in the countryside (chapter 4), and the evolution of Villa Clara from a Jewish colony to multiethnic and socially diverse locality (chapters 5 and 6). The narration is interspersed by recollections from local residents, most of them descendants from European immigrants, as well as descriptions from local chroniclers and community historians. Several key points emerge from a mostly descriptive account, namely the diversity of experiences within the Jewish immigrant group and among early immigrants in general; the interdependence among immigrants and between immigrants and Argentines of nonimmigrant origin (criollos); the spatial transformation of Villa Clara; and the interplay of ethnicity and class in the local social makeup. The personal testimonies are good illustrations of the history of rural colonization in Entre Rios and the transformation of Villa Clara, but they add little to what previous scholarship has shown. If the intention is to show the similarities and discrepancies between the local past as remembered by the descendants of European immigrants and the history of rural colonization which has crystallized in traditional historiography, that connection is largely left to the reader. Moreover, the reader is also solely responsible for connecting the case presented in this book and Freindenberg's analysis to the broader scholarship on Argentine immigration--how it contributes to it, revises it, or challenges it. This lack of dialogue with relevant scholarship is puzzling, as the history of Argentine immigration has been one of the most dynamic fields of study in the last 20 years, resulting in a historiographical renewal that has produced myriad case studies and new analytical approaches.

Two contributions of this book are nonetheless noteworthy for they show areas of inquiry that have received less attention to date, namely what Freidenberg describes as the "interplay of ethnicity, immigration, and class in the construction of identity" (83) and the impact of class, ethnicity, and power on the construction of collective memory and memoralization. After the 1930s, economic and demographic changes in Villa Clara created a more heterogeneous community. Changes in the rural economy created conditions for geographic mobility that brought new residents of diverse backgrounds to Villa Clara, including other European immigrants and criollos. A new spatial division also emerged, based on a combination of ethnic and class differences, as European immigrants and their descendants concentrated in the center of town and criollo newcomers and their descendants in new, peripheral neighborhoods. This transformation has been largely ignored in the official history of the town as an immigrant settlement. Listening to the memories of local residents allows Freidenberg to reveal this more complex past. While the tension between the experiences and perceptions of residents of European immigrant origin and criollos is not entirely new, it provides an essential building block for the analysis of collective history as contested territory to which Freidenberg devotes the last chapter (chapter 7). (The absence of any reference to Kristine Ruggiero's 1988 study of the rural colonies near La Paz, in northwest Entre Rios, in the discussion of immigrant and criollo perceptions is representative of the lack of engagement with relevant immigration scholarship which pervades the book.) By discussing the ways in which groups of diverse origins actively participated in the rewriting of local history in the context of Villa Clara's centennial celebrations, and the tension that emerged between a homogeneous official history and the influence of ethnicity and class on the construction of alternative versions of the past, the last chapter suggests new avenues for further study, thus constituting the book's most significant contribution. The methodological appendix provides valuable information about the gathering of ethnographic data that is important to understand the testimonies scattered as examples through out the book and the discussion of the last chapter. Readers who want to understand and take advantage of what this book offers should start with the appendix and the last chapter. The larger historical and historiographical implications of the tension between memory and identity and legitimized and alternative histories of immigration that Freidenberg identified in Villa Clara need to be examined in future studies.

REFERENCES

Ruggiero, Kristine. 1988. And Here the World Ends: The Life of an Argentine Village. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

Marcelo J. Borges

Dickinson College
COPYRIGHT 2011 Institute for Ethnographic Research
COPYRIGHT 2011 Gale, Cengage Learning

------------
Interesting that the Jews relied on "Whiteness"  to distinguish them from the Criollos in Argentina. A lot of Jewish girls from the Russian/Polish  shetlized "Pale of Settlement" actively worked as Prostitutes for Jewish Pimps and Mob bosses. In fact most were "whores" in the New world. --CSR

Crossing borders, claiming a nation: a history of Argentine Jewish women
 By Sandra McGee Deutsch

http://books.google.com/books?id=EkMXg_ ... 6&lpg=PA36

http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_6 ... n57571384/
After the Revolution of 1905, the Czar had prudently prepared for further outbreaks by transferring some $400 million in cash to the New York banks, Chase, National City, Guaranty Trust, J.P.Morgan Co., and Hanover Trust. In 1914, these same banks bought the controlling number of shares in the newly organized Federal Reserve Bank of New York, paying for the stock with the Czar\'s sequestered funds. In November 1917,  Red Guards drove a truck to the Imperial Bank and removed the Romanoff gold and jewels. The gold was later shipped directly to Kuhn, Loeb Co. in New York.-- Curse of Canaan