Blacks, whites and Asians have different ancestors – and did not come from Africa, claims scientist

[CrackSmokeRepublican]

Keep in mind the Toba Volcanic Eruption as well with the so-called "Founder Effect" --CSR:

http://www.bradshawfoundation.com/stanley_ambrose.php
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Blacks, whites and Asians have different ancestors – and did not come from Africa, claims scientist

    * Sunday, September 12, 2010, 16:59

Geographer claims the races evolved from different ancestors.

A public claim by a fellow of the prestigious Royal Geographic Society that humans did not all come from Africa — and that blacks, whites and Asians have different ancestors — has been dismissed by world experts as "dangerous", "wrong" and "racist".

In a paper widely trumpeted and due for release in book form, Akhil Bakshi, the leader of a recent major scientific expedition supported by India's prime minister, claims that "Negroid", "Caucasian" and "Mongoloid" peoples are not only separate races but separate species, having evolved on different continents. Responding to the claims — developed while Bakshi led the Gondwanaland expedition from India to South Africa — Professor Lee Berger, a leading palaeoanthropologist at the University of the Witwatersrand, immediately insisted that, there were no fundamental differences between the races and that all humans had the same genetic and physical roots in Africa.

The prevalent scientific theory of modern humans — the "Out of Africa" model — is that they left Africa just 55000 years ago and replaced the last remnants of other ancient hominids living in Europe, Asia and elsewhere.

The old biological racial distinctions of "Caucasian", "Negroid" and "Mongoloid" have recently been abandoned by mainstream scientists — removed, for instance, from the US National Library of Medicine in 2003.

Lemuria Bakshi has become a self-declared champion of a minority scientific view called "multiregionalism", which claims that modern humans evolved from separate hominid populations. Hominids encompass all humans and the ancient family of human-like ancestors, including large-brained ancient ancestors and unsuccessful species such as Neanderthals.

However, Bakshi — who has no training as an anthropologist — has linked to this model a theory that these populations evolved according to the genetic material left behind when the prehistoric supercontinents, the northern Laurasia and the southern Gondwanaland, broke up. An influential figure in India, Bakshi is also a filmmaker and author who has led four major scientific expeditions since 1994. Bakshi admitted to the Sunday Times that "some of my points may prove to be wrong, and may be seen as politically incorrect.

He claims indigenous "Negroid" populations occur in places like Australia, India, Sri Lanka, the Philippines and the Andaman Islands not because they moved there from Africa, but because all these land masses were once part of Gondwanaland — and that all evolved separately. Whites, according to Bakshi, are from Laurasia and blacks are from Gondwanaland. He argues that, 60000 years ago, humans could not have crossed vast oceans and deserts to reach remote places like Australia and North America, and they must therefore have evolved there.

"His is a highly confused argument which jumps enormous levels, which are quite impossible to link," Tobias said.
However, he added that the true picture of modern humanity's precise departure from Africa was far from clear- cut.

http://www.articlesafari.com/2010/09/wh ... om-africa/

[CrackSmokeRepublican]

I get the impression that a lot of "Asians" don't want to be "categorized" in the Out of Africa theory that is rather fairly shaky... --CSR

Found this WIkipedia article on "Race" in Brazil which is interesting.

Historic background

Brazilian population was formed by the influx of Portuguese settlers and African, mostly Bantu and West African populations[2](such as the Yoruba, Ewe, and Fanti-Ashanti) slaves into a territory originally inhabited by various indigenous populations, mainly Tupi, Guaraní and Ge[3] In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, in what is known as Great Immigration[4], new groups arrived, mainly of Portuguese, Italian, Spanish and German origin, but also from Japan, the Middle East, and Eastern Europe[5].

When the Portuguese reached what is now called Brazil in 1500, its native population was probably composed of about 2.5 million Amerindians[6]. Up to 1530, the Portuguese made no real effort to colonise the land, limiting to the establishment of "feitorias" to organise the trade of brazilwood[7]. When it became clear that this policy would result in the land being taken by other European powers – namely the French and the Dutch – the Portuguese Crown decided to effectively occupy the territory by fostering agricultural activities – especially sugarcane crops – in Brazil[8]. This resulted not only in the growth of the population of Portuguese origin, but also in the introduction of African slavery in Brazil.[8]

The population, however, only boosted in the 18th century, as a result of the discovery of gold and diamonds in the region known as Minas Gerais, which prompted massive populational movements from Portugal – as well as increased slave trafficking – to Brazil.[citation needed]

During the colonial period, the Portuguese prohibited any influx of other Europeans to Brazil[9]. In consequence, the Portuguese and their descendants constituted the overwhelming majority of the White population of colonial Brazil.[10] However, in the Southern Brazilian areas disputed between Portugal and Spain, Spanish settlers and their descendants were important for the local demographic composition, and a genetic study suggests that the predominant genomic ancestry of the Brazilian Gaúchos (inhabitants of the Pampas) may be Spanish, not Portuguese.[11][12] Also a small number of Dutch settlers remained in the Northeast after the Portuguese retook New Holland[13] and may have contributed to the demographic composition of Northeastern Brazil.[14]

Only in the 19th century, whence the colonial relation between Brazil and Portugal changed and the polity was renamed "United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil and Algarves", was the immigration of non-Portuguese allowed[citation needed]. Even then, however, and even after the country's independence in 1822, immigration to Brazil was mainly Portuguese, though a significant number of German immigrants settled in the Southern region.[5]

In the mid-century, the crisis of the slave-based production in Brazil prompted the Brazilian elites to find new solutions for the work force needed for the expansion of Brazilian agriculture – especially the growing sector of coffee culture in São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro.[citation needed]

Brazilian demographics were strongly modified, in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, by European immigration. Brazilian immigration policy was closely connected to the so-called "questão da mão-de-obra" (workforce question), and planters' concerns about how to replace the slave workforce; the reasons why the slaves were not simply transformed into free workers are a point of contention. As a result, the Brazilian government sought to attract European immigrants[citation needed]. Combined with the European demographic crisis, this resulted in the immigration of about 5 million people, mostly European peasants, in the last quarter of the 19th century and first half of the 20th. The majority of these immigrants were either Portuguese or Italian (about 1,500,000 each), though significant numbers of Spaniards - which possibly include Portuguese emigrating from Vigo on false passports[15] - (690,000), Germans (250,000), Japanese (170,000), Middle Easterns (100,000, mostly people from what are now Syria and Lebanon arriving on Turkish passports), and Eastern Europeans (mostly Poles and Ukrainians arriving on Russian passports) also immigrated.[5]

There are few reliable statistics on the Brazilian population before the 1872 census, which counted 9,930,478, of which 3,787,289 Whites, 1,954,452 Blacks, and 4,188,737 pardos.[16] These figures do not yet reflect the influx of the five million immigrants mentioned above, since up to 1872 only about 270,000 immigrants had arrived in Brazil[17]. According to Judicael Clevelário's calculations, the total population of immigrant origin in 1872 would be of about 240,000 people[18]; consequently, the total White population of non-immigrant origin for that year would be of about 3,540,000 people at least.

The White proportion of the population increased rapidly between 1872 and 1940, mainly because of immigration, but also because the growth rate of the Black and parda population, which was very low during slavery, remained below the national average for some time after abolition[citation needed].
[edit] Abolition

There seems to be no easy explanation of why slaves were not employed as wage workers at the abolition of slavery. One possibility is the influence of race-based ideas from the second half of the 19th century and early 20th century, which were based in the pseudo-scientific belief of the superiority of the "White race". On the other hand, Brazilian latifundiaries had been using slave manpower for centuries, with no complaints about the quality of this workforce, and there were not important changes in Brazilian economy or work processes that could justify such sudden preocupation with the "race" of the labourers. Their embracing of those new, racist, ideas, moreover, proved quite flexible, even opportunist: with the slow down of Italian immigration since 1902 and the Prinetti Decree, Japanese immigration started in 1908, with any qualms about their non-Whiteness being quickly forgotten.

An important, and usually ignored, part of this equation was the political situation in Brazil, during the final crisis of slavery. According to Petrônio Domingues, by 1887 the slave struggles pointed to a real possibility of widespread insurrection. In October 23, in São Paulo, for instance, there were violent confrontations between the police and rioting Blacks, who chanted "long life freedom" and "death to the slaveowners"[19]. The president of the province, Rodrigues Alves, reported the situation as following:

    The massive flight of slaves from several fazendas threatens, in some places in the province, public order, alarming the proprietaries and the productive classes[20].

Uprisings irrupted in Itu, Campinas, Indaiatuba, Amparo, Piracicaba and Capivari; ten thousand fugitive slaves grouped in Santos. Flights were happening in daylight, guns were spotted among the fugitives, who, instead of hiding from police, seemed ready to engage in confrontation.

It was as a response to such situation that, in May 13th, 1888, slavery was abolished, as a means to restore order and the control of the ruling class[21], in a situation in which the slave system was almost completely disorganised.

As an abolitionist newspaper, O Rebate, put it, ten years later,

    Hadn't the slaves fled massively from the plantations, rebelling against the masters (...) Hadn't them, in more than 20,000, gone to the famous quilombo of Jabaquara (out of Santos, itself a center of abolitionist agitation), and maybe they would today be still slaves (...) Slavery ended because slaved no longer wanted to be slaves, because slaves rebelled against their masters and against the law that enslaved them (...) The law of May 13th was nothing more than the legal recognition - so that public authority wasn't discredited - of an act that had alreacy been accomplished by the mass revolt of slaves[22].

Another factor, also usually neglected, is the fact that, regardless of the racial notions of the Brazilian elite, European populations were emigrating in great numbers - to the United States, to Argentina, to Uruguay - which African populations certainly weren't doing, at that time. In this respect, what was new in "immigration to Brazil" was not the "immigration", but the "to Brazil" part. As Wilson do Nascimento Barbosa puts it,

    The collapse of slavery was the economic result of three conjugated movements: a) the end of the first industrial revolution (1760-1840) and the beginning of the so-called second industrial revolution (1880-1920); b) the lowering of the reproduction costs of the White man in Europe (1760-1860), due to the sanitary and pharmacological impact of the first industrial revolution; c) the raising costs of African Black slaves, due to the increasing reproduction costs of Black men in Africa.[23]

[edit] Racial theories
[edit] Immigration discussion and policy in the 19th century
See also: Immigration to Brazil

As the Brazilian elites perceived the oncoming abolition of slavery as a problem, various alternatives were discussed. While very few remained stuck with the idea of preserving slavery, some[who?] proposed the reintegration of "national workers" (which was understood as including the soon-to-be former slaves) into a "free-labour" system; others[who?] proposed Chinese immigration. It was against these positions, not against any imaginary African immigration, that racial arguments were made. So, besides a dispute "immigrantists" and "anti-immigrantists", there was also a debate between pro-Chinese and pro-European immigrantists; the latter also were divided between those, like Nicolau Moreira, who defended not only European immigration, but also a land reform, so to attract immigrants as small farmers, and those[who?] who wanted immigrants as wage labourers for the plantations.

In Brazil, particularly in São Paulo, the dominant idea was that national workers were unable to develop the country, and that only foreign workers would be able to work in a regime of "free" (i.e., wage) labour. The goal was to "whiten" Brazil through new immigrants and through future miscegenation in which former slaves would disappear by becoming "whiter"[24].

In 1878, ten years before the abolition of slavery, Rio de Janeiro hosted the Congresso Agrícola (Agricultural Congress) and that meeting reflected what the Brazilian elite (especially coffee planters) expected from their future workers[25]. Although national workers were an option to some of the participants, especially to those not from São Paulo, most of them, under the lead of coffee planters from São Paulo, agreed that only immigration would be good to Brazil [26], and, moreover, European immigration. The Congresso Agrícola showed that the elite was convinced that Europeans were racially and culturally superior to other "races".

Although discussions were situated in a theoretical field, immigrants arrived and colonies were founded through all this period (the rule of Pedro II), especially from 1850 on, particularly in the Southeast and Southern Brazil.

These discussions culminated in the Decree 528 in 1890, signed by Brazil's first President Deodoro da Fonseca, which opened the national harbors[citation needed] to immigration except for Africans and Asians. This decree remained valid until October 5, 1892 when, due to pressures of coffee planters interested in cheap manpower, it was overturned by Law 97[27].

As a result of those discussions and policies[citation needed], Brazil experienced immigration mostly from countries such as Italy, Germany, Spain, Portugal and Poland during the end of the empire and the beginning of the republic period (late 19th and early 20th century). Later immigration, from 1920 on was not so much influenced by that race discussions and Brazil attracted, besides Europeans, more immigrants from Lebanon, Syria and Japan, for example[citation needed].
[edit] Oliveira Vianna and the ideology of "Whitening"

The Brazilian government, as was commonplace at that time, endorsed racist positions expressed by Brazilian intelectuals. An example is a text, written by Oliveira Vianna, that was issued as introductory material to 1920 Census results. Many pages of Vianna's work were dedicated to the discussion of a "pure race" of white Brazilians. According to the text, written by Oliveira Vianna, the first Portuguese colonists who came to Brazil were part of the blond Germanic nobility that ruled Portugal, while the dark-haired "poor" Portuguese only came to Brazil later, in the 17th and especially the 18th century. According to Oliveira Vianna, the blond Portuguese of Germanic origin were "restless and migratory", and that's why they emigrated to Brazil. On the other hand, the Portuguese of darker complexions were of Celtic or Iberian origin and came when the Portuguese settlement in Brazil was already well stablished, because, according to him, "The peninsular brachyoids, of Celtic race, or the dolicoides, of Iberian race, of sedentary habits and peaceful nature, did not have, of course, that mobility nor that bellicosity nor that spirit of adventure and conquest". The text reported the different levels of intelligence found among blacks and highlights the existence of "lazy blacks" (Gêgis and Angolans) or "laborious blacks" (Timinins, Minas, Dahomeyanos) and also the existence of "peaceful and obedient blacks" and of "rebels and fierce" ones. Vianna also compares the "morality" and intellectual level found among blacks and reports that Gêgis, Krumanos and Cabindas revealed the "mental inferiority, typical from the lowest types of the black race".

The text stresses that the Portuguese settlers came from the northern regions[not in citation given], theoretically populated by Celtic and Germanic, while the southern regions, such as the Alentejo, "intensely mixed with Semitic blood", rarely sent immigrants to Brazil[not in citation given]. About the black Africans, it said that "The blacks from the yebú tribe, for example, or from the Cassange or Hausa tribe, although strong, had the repulsive ugliness of the pure black type". Those from Mina, or Fula, or Achanti, or Felanin, on the other hand, "are of great beauty, because of the proportionality of forms, the softness of features, slimness and height, the lighter skin color and the less woolly hair than that of other nations" and concluded that "Regarding the plastic beauty, no one is above Mojolos and Sereres, whose superb built has the purity, the grace and nobility of the European type". The texts reported that "Their (black people) presence was so great there, that they became superfluous and useless, with no other application but to serve as agents of crime and turbulence". Finally, Oliveira Viana reported that the blacks of "the western part of the Baixada Fluminense" had "simiesque features".[28]
[edit] Gilberto Freyre's work

In 1933, Brazilian anthropologist Gilberto Freyre published his famous book Casa-Grande & Senzala (English: The Masters and the Slaves). The book appeared in a moment that it there was a widespread belief, among social scientists, that some races were superior to other ones and in the same period of the rise of the Nazi Party in Germany. Freyre's work was very important to change the mentality, especially of the white Brazilian elite, who considered the Brazilian people as "inferior" because of their African and Amerindian ancestry. In this book, Freyre refuted the idea that Brazil would have an "inferior race" because of the race-mixing. Then, he pointed the positive elements that permeate the Brazilian cultural formation because of miscegenation (especially between Portuguese, Indians and blacks). Freyre's book has changed the mentality in Brazil, and the mixing of races, then, became a reason to be a national pride. However, Freyre's book created the Brazilian myth of the Racial democracy, so that Brazil was a "post-racial" country without racism. This theory was later challenged by several anthropologists who claim that, despite the race-mixing, the "white" Brazilian population still occupies the top of the Brazilian society, while Blacks, Indians and mixed-race people are largely found in the poor population.
[edit] Racial legislation

A persistent Brazilian myth is the idea that, while there may have been racism in Brazil, here, contrary to what happened in the United States or South Africa, it was never enshrined in legislation. Such idea has been propagated even by progressist, anti-racist intellectuals as Darcy Ribeiro, who mistakenly holds that in Brazil, "miscegenation was never a crime or a sin". The myth of a purely informal racism is however false[29]; there was plenty of racist legislation in Brazil, even though it never acquired the systematic character of American or South African apartheid regimes.

During the colonial period, discriminatory laws were commonplace. Non-Whites were banned from the goldsmith craft (1621). In São Paulo, non-Whites were forbidden, under the penalty of prison, from using guns (1713). Descendants of Jews, Moors, Blacks, as well as those married to women of such extractions, were banned from public offices (1671). Blacks and mulattos were forbidden from "dressing as Whites" (1745). The arrival of the Royal family didn't change this: when a provincial militia was formed in Rio Grande do Sul, it was established that the members should be "White", this being defined as "those whose grand-grandparents were not Black, and whose parents were free-born" (1809). Nor this changed with independence: a complementary law to the 1824 Constitution forbade "Blacks and lepers" from being instructed in schools. Brazilian troops were segregated until the fall of the Empire.[30]

On July 28, 1921, representatives Andrade Bezerra and Cincinato Braga proposed a law whose Article 1 provided: "It is prohibited in Brazil immigration of individuals from the black race." On October 22, 1923, representative Fidélis Reis produced another project of law on the entry of immigrants, whose fifth article was as follows: 'It is prohibited the entry of settlers from the black race in Brazil and, to Asians, it will be allowed each year, a number equal to 5% of those existing in the country.(...)'. Both bills were decried as racist and rejected by the Brazilian Congress[31].

In 1945, the Brazilian government issued a decree favoring the entrance of European immigrants in the country: "In the admission of immigrants, the need to preserve and develop, in the ethnic composition of the population, the more convenient features of their European ancestry shall be considered"[32].
[edit] Miscegenation

The degree of miscegenation in Brazil has been very high, as Brazil was colonized by male Portuguese adventurers who tended to procreate with Amerindian and African women.[33][34] This made possible a myth of "racial democracy" that tends to obscure a widespread discrimination connected to certain aspects of physical appearance:[35] aspects related to the concept of cor (literally "colour"), used in a way that is roughly equivalent to the English term "race" but based on a combination of skin colour, hair type, and shape of nose and lips. It is possible for siblings to belong to different "colour" categories.[36] So a "White" Brazilian is a person perceived and socially accepted as "White", regardless of ancestry or sometimes even immediate family[37]. While miscegenation has been one factor leading to a Brazilian population with features ranging from the stereotypically African to the stereotypically European, a second has been "assortative mating". The genome of the first generation offspring of European fathers and African mothers was 50% European and 50% African, but the distribution of the genes that affect relevant features (skin colour, hair type, lip shape, nose shape) was random. Those of the second generation with features considered closer to a "White" stereotype would have tended to procreate with others like themselves, while those considered closer to "Black" would also have tended to procreate among themselves; in the long term producing "White" and "Black" groups with surprisingly similar proportions of European and African ancestry.[38]

Miscegenation has also been intense between immigrants and their descendants and the previous inhabitants of the country.[citation needed]
[edit] IBGE's racial categories

The Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), that conducts censuses in Brazil since 1940, racially classifies the Brazilian population in five categories: white, black, pardo (brown), yellow, and indigenous. As in international practice,[39] individuals are asked to self identify within these categories.

The following are the results for the different Brazilian censuses, since 1872:
Brazilian Population, by Race, from 1872 to 20001 (Census Data)
Race or Colour     White     Black     pardos     caboclos     Yellow (Asian)     Indigenous     Undeclared     Total    
18722     3,787,289     1,954,452     3,801,782     386,955     -     -     -     9,930,478    
1890     6,302,198     2,097,426     4,638,4963     1,295,7953     -     -     -     14,333,915    
1940     26,171,778     6,035,869     8,744,3654     -     242,320     -     41,983     41,236,315    
1950     32,027,661     5,692,657     13,786,742     -     329,082     -5     108,255     51,944,397    
1960     42,838,639     6,116,848     20,706,431     -     482,848     -6     46,604     70,191,370    
1980     64,540,467     7,046,906     46,233,531     -     672,251     -     517,897     119,011,052    
1991     75,704,927     7,335,136     62,316,064     -     630,656     294,135     534,878     146,521,661    
2000     91,298,042     10,554,336     65,318,092     -     761,583     734,127     1,206,675     169,872,856    

^1 The 1900, 1920, and 1970 censuses did not count people for "race".

^2 In the 1872 census, people were counted based on self-declaration, except for slaves, who were classified by their owners[40].

^3 The 1872 and 1890 censuses counted "caboclos" (White-Amerindian mixed race people) apart[41]. In the 1890 census, the category "pardo" was replaced with "mestiço"[41]. Figures for 1890 are available at the IBGE site[42].

^4 In the 1940 Census, people were asked for their "colour or race"; if the answer was not "White", "Black", or "Yellow", interviewers were instructed to fill the "colour or race" box with a slash. These slashs were later summed up in the category "pardo". In practice this means answers such as "pardo", "moreno", "mulato", "caboclo", etc[43].

^5 In the 1950 Census, the category "pardo" was included on its own. Amerindians were counted as "pardos"[44].

^6 The 1960 Census adopted a similar system, again explicitly including Amerindians as "pardos"[45].

According to the 2008 PNAD[46], the Brazilian population is composed by:

    * Brancos (White) (48.43% of the population);
    * Pardos (43.80%);
    * Pretos (Black) (6.84%);
    * Amarelos (Yellow, i.e., East Asian) (0.58%);
    * Indigenous (0.28%);
    * Undeclared (0.07%).

[edit] Controversy

As the IBGE itself acknowledges, these categories are disputed, and most of the population dislikes and does not identify with them.[47] Most Brazilians see "Indígena" as a cultural rather than racial term, and don't describe as such if they are part of the mainstream Brazilian culture; many Brazilians would prefer to self-describe as "morenos" (literally, "tanned" or "brunettes")[48]; some Black and parda people, more identified with the Brazilian Black movement, would prefer to self-describe as "Negro" as an inclusive category containing pardos and pretos;[49] and if allowed to choose any classification, Brazilians will give almost 200 different answers.[50]

According to Edward Telles[51], in Brazil there are three different systems related to "racial classification" along the White-Black continuous[52]. The first is the Census System, which distinguishes three categories: "branco" (White), "pardo", and "preto" (Black)[53]. The second is the popular system that uses many different categories, including the ambiguous term "moreno"[54] (literally, "tanned", "brunette", or "with an olive complexion")[55] . The third is the Black movement system that distinguishes only two categories, summing up "pardos" and "pretos" as "negros".[56] More recently, the term "afrodescendente" has been brought into use.[57]

The first system referred by Telles is that of the IBGE. In the census, respondents choose their race or color in five categories: branca (white), parda (brown), preta (black), amarela (yellow) or indígena (indigenous). The term "parda" needs further explanation; it has been systematically used since the census of 1940. People were then asked for their "colour or race"; if the answer was not "White", "Black", or "Yellow", interviewers were instructed to fill the "colour or race" box with a slash. These slashes were later summed up in the category "pardo". In practice this means answers such as "pardo", "moreno", "mulato", and "caboclo". In the following censuses, "pardo" became a category on its own, and included Amerindians[44], which became a separate category only in 1991. So it is a term that describes people who have a skin darker than Whites and lighter than Blacks, but not necessarily implies a White-Black mixture.

Telles' second system is that of popular classification. Two IBGE surveys (the 1976 PNAD and the July 1998 PME) have sought to understand the way Brazilians think of themselves in "racial" terms, with the explicit aim of adjusting the census classification (neither, however, resulted in actual changes in the census). Besides that, Data Folha has also conducted research on this subject. The results of these surveys are somewhat varied, but seem to coincide in some fundamental aspects. First, there is an enormous variety of "racial" terms in use in Brazil; when Brazilians are inquired in an open ended question, from 135 to 500 different race-color terms may be brought. The 1976 PNAD found 136 different answers to the question about race;[58] the July 1998 PME found 143.[59] However, most of these terms are used by very small minorities. Telles remarks that 95% of the population chose only six different terms (branco, moreno, pardo, moreno-claro, preto and negro); Petrucelli shows that the 7 most common responses (the above plus amarela) sum up 97%, and the 10 more common (the previous plus mulata, clara, and morena-escura) make 99%[60]. Petrucelli, analysing the July 98 PME, finds that 77 denominations were mentioned by only one person in the sample. Other 12 are misunderstandings, referring to national or regional origin (francesa, italiana, baiana, cearense). Many of the "racial" terms are (or could be) remarks about the relation between skin colour and exposure to sun (amorenada, bem morena, branca-morena, branca-queimada, corada, bronzeada, meio morena, morena-bronzeada, morena-trigueira, morenada, morenão, moreninha, pouco morena, queimada, queimada de sol, tostada, rosa queimada, tostada). Others are clearly variations of the same idea (preto, negro, escuro, crioulo, retinto, for Black, alva, clara, cor-de-leite, galega, rosa, rosada, pálida, for White, parda, mulata, mestiça, mista, for "parda"), or precisions of the same concept (branca morena, branca clara), and can actually grouped together with one of the main racial terms without falsifying the interpretation.[60] Some seem to express an outright refusal of classification: azul-marinho (navy blue), azul (blue), verde (green), cor-de-burro-quando-foge.

Petrucelli grouped those 136 terms into 28 wider categories[61]. Most of these 28 wider categories can be situated in the White-Black continuum when the answers to the open-ended question are compared to the answers in the IBGE format:
Category     Frequency     White     "parda"     Black     Amerindian     Yellow     Total     difference between White and Black    
branca (White)     54.28%     98,96%     0,73%     0,11%     0,07%     0,14%     100,00%     98,85    
loira (Blonde)     0.05%     95,24%     0,00%     4,76%     0,00%     0,00%     100,00%     90,48    
brasileira (Brazilian)     0.12%     91,20%     6,05%     2,27%     0,00%     0,47%     100,00%     88,93    
branca + (adjectivated White)     0.14%     86,47%     9,62%     0,00%     3,91%     0,00%     100,00%     86,47    
clara (of light colour)     0.78%     86,40%     11,93%     0,35%     0,14%     1,18%     100,00%     86,05    
galega (Galician)     0.01%     70,99%     19,78%     0,00%     0,00%     9,23%     100,00%     70,99    
castanha (Brown)     0.01%     63,81%     36,19%     0,00%     0,00%     0,00%     100,00%     63,81    
morena clara (light Morena)     2.92%     38,35%     57,12%     1,46%     2,27%     0,81%     100,00%     36,89    
jambo     0.02%     14,47%     77,96%     2,39%     5,18%     0,00%     100,00%     12,08    
morena     20.89%     13,75%     76,97%     6,27%     2,62%     0,38%     100,00%     7,48    
mestiça, mista (miscigenated, mixed)     0.08%     17,29%     59,44%     14,96%     7,60%     0,70%     100,00%     2,33    
parda (Brown)     10.40%     1,03%     97,25%     1,40%     0,21%     0,10%     100,00%     -0,37    
sarará     0.04%     9,09%     60,14%     23,25%     0,00%     7,53%     100,00%     -14,16    
canela (of the colour of cinammon)     0.01%     11,13%     57,55%     26,45%     4,87%     0,00%     100,00%     -15,32    
mulata (Mulatto)     0.81%     1,85%     71,53%     25,26%     1,37%     0,00%     100,00%     -23,41    
marrom, chocolate (Brown, chocolate)     0.03%     4,56%     57,30%     38,14%     0,00%     0,00%     100,00%     -33,58    
morena escura (dark Morena)     0.45%     2,77%     54,80%     38,05%     4,15%     0,24%     100,00%     -35,28    
escura (of dark colour)     0.38%     0,59%     16,32%     81,67%     1,42%     0,00%     100,00%     -81,08    
negra (Black)     3.14%     0,33%     6,54%     92,62%     0,50%     0,02%     100,00%     -92,29    
preta (Black)     4.26%     0,37%     1,73%     97,66%     0,17%     0,06%     100,00%     -97,29    

The other categories, except, naturally, for "amarela" (Yellow) seem related to Amerindian "race":
Category     Frequency     White     "parda"     Black     Amerindian     Yellow     Total    
vermelha (Red)     0.02%     58,97     8,22     0,00     21,56     11,24     100,00    
cafusa     0.01%     6,02     65,14     22,82     6,02     0,00     100,00    
caboverde (Capeverdian)     0.02%     0,00     48,72     23,08     28,21     0,00     100,00    
cabocla     0.02%     3,60     49,37     10,43     36,60     0,00     100,00    
bugre (Indian)     0.00%     12,50     37,50     0,00     50,00     0,00     100,00    
amarela (Yellow)     1.11%     3,27     0,98     0,24     0,15     95,36     100,00    
indígena (Indigenous)     0.13%     0,44     2,12     0,00     96,13     1,30     100,00    

The remarkable difference of the popular system is the use of the term "moreno". This is actually difficult to translate into English, and carries a few different meanings. Derived from Latin maurus, meaning inhabitant of Mauritania[62], traditionally it is used as a term to distinguish White people with dark hair, as opposed to "ruivo" (redhead) and "loiro" (blonde)[63]. It is also commonly used as a term for people with an olive complexion, a characteristic that is often found in connection with dark hair[64]. In connection to this, it is used as a term for suntanned people, and is commonly opposed to "pálido" (pale) and "amarelo" (yellow), which in this case refer to people who aren't frequently exposed to sun. Finally, it is also often used as a euphemism for "pardo" and "preto".[65]

Finally, the Black movement system, in direct oppostion to the popular system, groups "pardos" and "pretos" in a single category, "negro" (and not Afro-Brazilian).[66] This looks more similar to the American racial perception[67], but there are some subtle differences. First, as other Brazilians, the Black movement understands that not everybody with some African descent is Black[68] , and that many or most White Brazilians indeed have African (or Amerindian, or both) ancestrals - so an "one drop rule" isn't what the Black movement envisages;[69] second, the main issue for the Black movement isn't "cultural", but rather economic: it is not a supposed cultural identification with Africa, but rather a situation of disavantage, common to those who are non-White (with the exception of those of East Asian ancestry) that groups them into a "negro" category.[citation needed]
[edit] Race and class

Another important discussion is the relation between social class and "race" in Brazil. It is commonplace to say that, in Brazil, "money whitens"[70]. There is a persistent belief, both in academy and popularly, that Brazilians from the wealthier classes with darker phenotypes tend to see themselves and be seen by others in lighter categories. Other things, such as dressing and social status, also influence perceptions of race. This ambiguity and fluidity are another reason for criticism of the IBGE racial categories.

Two things should be observed concerning the alleged whitening power of money: first, if there is a general consensus about "Brazilians from the wealthier classes with darker phenotypes" tending to "see themselves and be seen by others in lighter categories", one wonders who is the "objective observer" that classifies those people as having "darker phenotypes"; second, if this was true, all statistics concerning economic inequalities between Whites and non-Whites should be put to question, as "skin colour"[71] would not be an independent variable - hypothetically, there could be no skin colour differences between wealthy and poor Brazilians other than in subjective perceptions caused by wealth.

However, some studies, focusing in the difference between self- and alter-classification show that this phenomenon is far more complex than "money whitens". For instance, according to a study conducted by Paula Miranda-Ribeiro and André Junqueira Caetano among women in Recife, while there is significant inconsistency between the "parda" and "preta" categories, most women are consistently classified by themselves and interviewers into "brancas" and non-brancas. 21,97% of women were consistently classified as White, and 55.13% of women were consistently classified as non-White, while 22.89% of women where inconsistently classified. But the inconsistently classified women reveal an important aspect of economic "whitening". "Self-darkening" women, i.e., those who view themselves as "pretas" or "pardas" but are classified as "brancas" by the interviewers (4.08% of women) have above average education, while the 18.82% "self-whitening" women have a low average education, lower indeed than that of consistently non-White women[72].

This, assuming, as it seems reasonable, that there is a correlation between wealth and education[73], would show that, rather than "Brazilians from the wealthier classes with darker phenotypes seeing themselves and being seen by others in lighter categories", either wealth affects their perception by others, but does not affect, or at least affects considerably less, their self-perception, or that wealth in fact affects their self-perception in the opposite way: it is poor people who are more prone to self-whitening. This, naturally, contributes to show that self-classification in censuses is in fact more objective than alter-classification; but most importantly, it shows that economic differences between Whites and non-Whites effectively exist.

It is important to notice that the alter-classification in this survey was made by a group of college students, i.e., mostly middle class people.

There are important differences in social position concerning "races". These differences encompass income, education, housing, etc. According to the 2007 PNAD, White workers wages were almost twice those of Blacks and "pardos"[citation needed]. Blacks and "pardos" earned on average 1.8 minimum wages, while Whites averaged 3.4 minimum wages[citation needed]. These differences cannot be exclusively attributed to differences in education: among workers with over 12 years of study, Whites earned on average R$15.90 per hour, while Blacks and "pardos" made R$11.40[citation needed].

Among the 1% wealthiest Brazilians, only 12% were Blacks or "pardos", while Whites made 86.3% of the group. Among the 10% poorest 73.9% were Black or "pardos", and 25.5% of whites[citation needed].

13.4% of White Brazilians were graduated, compared to 4% of Blacks and "pardos"[citation needed]. 24.2% of Whites were studying in a college or university, compared to 8.4% of Blacks and "pardos"[citation needed]. In 2007, 57.9% of White students between 18 and 24 years old were attending one[citation needed]. However, only 25.4% of Black and "pardo" students of the same age group studied at the same level[citation needed]. In 2000, the illiteracy rate among White people over 5 years old was 10.87%; among Blacks, 23,23%, and among "pardos", 21,09%[74].
[edit] Racial disparities

According to the 2007 Brazilian national resource, the white workers had an average monthly income almost twice that of blacks and pardos (brown). The blacks and brown earned on average 1.8 minimum wages, while the whites had a yield of 3.4 minimum wages. Among workers with over 12 years of study, the difference was also large. While the whites earned on average R$15.90 per hour, the blacks and brown received R$11.40, when they worked the same period. Among the 1% richest population of Brazil, only 12% were blacks and brown, while whites constituted 86.3% of the group. In the 10% poorest there were 73.9% of blacks and brown, and 25.5% of whites.

13.4% of white Brazilians were graduated, compared to 4% of blacks and brown. 24.2% of whites were studying in a College or University, compared to 8.4% of blacks and brown. In 2007, 57.9% of white students between 18 and 24 years old were attending a University or a College. However, only 25.4% of black and brown students of the same age group studied at the same level. Of just over 14 million illiterates in Brazil, nearly 9 million were black or pardo. The illiteracy rate among white people over 15 years old was 6.1%. Among blacks and brown of the same age group over 14%.[75]

Almost half of the Brazilian population (49.4%) is white. The brown form 42.3%, the black 7.4%, and the indigenous or "yellow", according to the IBGE, only 0.8%. The region with the highest proportion of brown is the north, with 68.3%. The population of the Northeast is composed of 8.5% of blacks, the largest proportion. In the South, 78.7% of the population is white.
[edit] References

   1. ^ Guido Bolaffi, Dictionary of Race, Ethnicity and Culture (London: Sage, 2003; ISBN 0761969004), s.v. "Race", p.244. Here at Google Books (accessed 12 December 2009)
   2. ^ Gilberto Freyre. Masters and Slaves (translation of Casa Grande e Senzala). pp. 304-318.
   3. ^ Gilberto Freyre. Masters and Slaves. (Translation of Casa Grande e Senzala). p.92: As for domestic animals to be found among either of the two principal groups - the Tupís and the Gê-Botocudos -, etc.
   4. ^ Marília D. Klaumann Cánovas. A GRANDE IMIGRAÇÃO EUROPÉIA PARA O BRASIL E O IMIGRANTE ESPANHOL NO CENÁRIO DA CAFEICULTURA PAULISTA: ASPECTOS DE UMA (IN)VISIBILIDADE
   5. ^ a b c Maria Stella Ferreira Levy. O papel da migração internacional na evolução da população brasileira (1872 to 1972). inRevista de Saúde Pública, volume supl, June 1974.
   6. ^ Sérgio Pena et alli. DNA tests probe the genomic ancestry of Brazilians. Introduction, first paragraph.: Little is known about the number of indigenous people living in the area of what is now Brazil when the Portuguese arrived in 1500, although a figure often cited is that of 2.5 million individuals.
   7. ^ http://www.scribd.com/doc/7388705/Eduar ... Degredados
   8. ^ a b [1] Maria Stella Ferreira Levy. O papel da migração internacional na evolução da população brasileira (1872 a 1972) p. 50.
   9. ^ Flávia de Ávila, Entrada de Trabalhadores Estrangeiros no Brasil: Evolução Legislativa e Políticas Subjacentes nos Séculos XIX e XX. PhD thesis. Florianópolis: Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, 2003. pp 30. (Available here [1.21MB PDF file].)
  10. ^ Flávia de Ávila, Entrada de Trabalhadores Estrangeiros no Brasil. (Available here [1.21MB PDF file].), p. 31-32: Ser estrangeiro significava, em primazia, qualquer indivíduo que não fosse súdito da Coroa portuguesa, e os poucos que viviam no Brasil o faziam mais por razões aventureiras e individuais que coletivas ou resultantes de providências governamentais para aportarem em terras coloniais.
  11. ^ O DNA dos Pampas
  12. ^ [2] Our Y-SNP/STR data globally suggest, however, that the Gaúcho males have more similarity with the Spaniards than with the Portuguese. The history of Rio Grande do Sul is peculiar because, in the Colonial Era, the political control of the region alternated between the Spanish and Portuguese Empires (Flores 2003). These historical events can be associanted to our findings, but some caution is needed since differentiation between Iberian Peninsula populations, as well as between them and their derived Latin American populations, at the Y-chromosome level, was not observed in other investigations.
  13. ^ Johannes Menne Postma, The Dutch in the Atlantic slave trade, 1600-1815 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990; ISBN 0521365856) (here at Google Books).
  14. ^ The Phylogeography of Brazilian Y-Chromosome Lineages
  15. ^ Mirian Halpern Pereira. Algumas observações complementares sobre a política de emigração portuguesa. In Análise Social, vol. xxv (108-109), 1990 (4.° e 5.°) 735-739: É, porém, provável que, para o Brasil pelo menos, a emigração clandestina documentada tenha sido superior à indocumentada. O que não é nada certo é que ela fosse inteiramente registada como imigração portuguesa. A importância dos portugueses que partiam de Vigo com passaporte falso ficou atestada na muito generalizada designação de «galego» dada aos Portugueses no Rio de Janeiro, principal ponto de desembarque dos Portugueses no século xix.
  16. ^ IBGE Teen. Evolução da população/cor
  17. ^ Maria Stella Ferreira Levy. O Papel da Migração Internacional na Evolução da População Brasileira. Table 2, p. 74.
  18. ^ Judicael Clevelário. A participação da imigração na formação da população brasileira. p. 68.
  19. ^ Petrônio Domingues. Uma história não contada: negro, racismo e branqueamento em São Paulo. p. 73.
  20. ^ Petrônio Domingues. Uma história não contada: negro, racismo e branqueamento em São Paulo. p. 74.
  21. ^ Petrônio Domingues. Uma história não contada: negro, racismo e branqueamento em São Paulo. p. 76.
  22. ^ O Rebate. Cited in Petrônio Domingues. Uma história não contada: negro, racismo e branqueamento em São Paulo. p. 77.
  23. ^ Wilson do Nascimento Barbosa. Preface to Petrônio Domingues, Uma história não contada: negro, racismo e branqueamento em São Paulo. p. 10.
  24. ^ VAINFAS, Ronaldo. Dicionário do Brasil Imperial. Rio de Janeiro: Objetiva, 2002, p 152
  25. ^ SANTOS, Sales Augusto dos. Historical roots of the "whitening" of Brazil. Translated by Lawrence Hallewell. Latin American Perspectives. Issue 122, Vol. 29 No I, January 2002, p 62.
  26. ^ LIMA, Sílvio C.S. Determinismo biológico e imigração chinesa em Nicolau Moreira (1870-1890). 123 p. Dissertation (Master degree in History of Health Sciences) Rio de Janeiro: Fiocruz, 2005. [3], p. 104
  27. ^ Masato NinomiyaO centenário do Tratado de Amizade, Comércio e Navegação entre Brasil e Japão. in Revista USP, December 1995/February 1996. p. 248.
  28. ^ Text from the 1920 Brazilian Census
  29. ^ Petrônio Rodrigues. Uma história não contada: negro, racismo e branqueamento em São Paulo. p. 78.
  30. ^ Petrônio Rodrigues. Uma história não contada: negro, racismo e branqueamento em São Paulo. p. 29-31.
  31. ^ Thomas Skidmore. Racial ideas and social policy in Brazil, 1870-1940. In Richard Graham et al. The Idea of race in Latin America, 1870-1940. p. 23.
  32. ^ Thomas Skidmore. Racial ideas and social policy in Brazil, 1870-1940. In Richard Graham et al. The Idea of race in Latin America, 1870-1940. p. 25-26
  33. ^ Ronald M. Glassman, William H. Swatos, and Barbara J. Denison, Social Problems in Global Perspective (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 2004; ISBN 0761829334). Here at Google Books (accessed 13 December 2009).
  34. ^ Denise R. Carvalho-Silva et al., "The Phylogeography of Brazilian Y-Chromosome Lineages", American Journal of Human Genetics 68 (2001): 281–286. Accessed 13 December 2009.
  35. ^ Edward E. Telles, "Brazil in Black and White: Discrimination and Affirmative Action in Brazil", PBS, 1 June 2009. Accessed 17 December 2009.
  36. ^ Flavia C. Parra et al., "Color and genomic ancestry in Brazilians", Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 100 (2003). Second paragraph. Accessed 12 December 2009.
  37. ^ Floyd James Davis. Who is Black?: one nation's definition. p. 101.
  38. ^ Parra et al, "Color and genomic ancestry in Brazilians". Discussion, ninth paragraph.
  39. ^ United Nations. Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Statistics Division. Principles and Recommendations for Population and Housing Censuses. item 2.162, p. 162.: The subjective nature of the term (not to mention increasing intermarriage among various groups in some countries, for example) requires that information on ethnicity be acquired through self-declaration of a respondent and also that respondents have the option of indicating multiple ethnic affiliations.
  40. ^ Tereza Cristina N. Araújo. A classificação de "cor" nas pesquisas do IBGE.. In Cadernos de Pesquisa 63, November 1987. p. 14.
  41. ^ a b Tereza Cristina N. Araújo. A classificação de "cor" nas pesquisas do IBGE. In Cadernos de Pesquisa 63, November 1987. p. 14.
  42. ^ Diretoria Geral de Estatística. Sexo, raça e estado civil, nacionalidade, filiação culto e analphabetismo da população recenseada em 31 de dezembro de 1890. p. 5.
  43. ^ IBGE. Censo Demográfico 1940. p. xxi.
  44. ^ a b IBGE. Censo Demográfico. p. XVIII
  45. ^ IBGE. Censo Demográfico de 1960. Série Nacional, Vol. I, p. XIII
  46. ^ IBGE. 2008 PNAD. População residente por cor ou raça, situação e sexo.
  47. ^ Simon Schwartzmann. Fora de foco: diversidade e identidades étnicas no Brasil. P. 1
  48. ^ [4]
  49. ^ Simon Schwartzmann. Fora de foco: diversidade e identidades étnicas no Brasil. P. 2
  50. ^ Simon Schwartzmann. Fora de foco: diversidade e identidades étnicas no Brasil. P. 4
  51. ^ Edward Eric Telles (2004). "Racial Classification". Race in Another America: the significance of skin color in Brazil. Princeton University Press. pp. 81–84. ISBN 0691118663.
  52. ^ Edward Telles. Race in Another America: the significance of skin color in Brazil. p. 80-81.
  53. ^ Edward Telles. Race in Another America: the significance of skin color in Brazil. p. 81.
  54. ^ Edward Telles. Race in Another America: the significance of skin color in Brazil. p. 82.
  55. ^ [5] Here is the dictionary definition: adj. e s.m. Diz-se de, ou quem tem cabelos negros e pele um pouco escura; trigueiro. / Bras. Designação irônica ou eufemística que se dá aos pretos e mulatos. Literally, this means: "(said of) those who have black hair and a somewhat dark skin, of the colour of ripe wheat. / (in Brazil) Ironic or euphemistic designation given to Blacks and Mulattos.
  56. ^ Edward Telles. Race in Another America: the significance of skin color in Brazil. p. 85.
  57. ^ Pena, Sérgio, and Bortolini, Maria Cátira. Pode a genética definir quem deve se beneficiar das cotas universitárias e demais ações afirmativas? Note 1, p. 47
  58. ^ http://www.google.com.br/url?sa=t&sourc ... CccP4Qaoww
  59. ^ José Luiz Petrucelli. A Cor Denominada. p. 18 (unavailable online).
  60. ^ a b José Luiz Petrucelli. A Cor Denominada. p. 19 (unavailable online)
  61. ^ José Luiz Petrucelli. A Cor Denominada. p. 47 (unavailable online).
  62. ^ José Luiz Petrucelli. A Cor Denominada. p. 14 (unavailable online)
  63. ^ http://www.macaenews.com.br/ver_col.php ... Colunistas
  64. ^ Anusuya A. Mokashi and Noah S. Scheinfeld. Photoaging. In Robert A. Norman, Diagnosis of Aging Skin Diseases. p. 13.
  65. ^ [6] Here is the dictionary definition: adj. e s.m. Diz-se de, ou quem tem cabelos negros e pele um pouco escura; trigueiro. / Bras. Designação irônica ou eufemística que se dá aos pretos e mulatos. Literally, this means: "(said of) those who have black hair and a somewhat dark skin, of the colour of ripe wheat. / (in Brazil) Ironic or euphemistic designation given to Blacks and Mulattos.
  66. ^ Edward Telles. Race in Another America: the significance of skin color in Brazil. p. 85: This system of classification uses only two terms, negro and branco.
  67. ^ Edward Telles. Race in another America. p. 86: The Brazilian government had sought to dichotomize, or worse, (North) "americanize" racial classification in a society that used and even celebrated intermediate terms.
  68. ^ Kabengele Munanga Uma resposta contra o racismo. In Brasil Autogestinário. Do ponto de vista norteamericano, todos os brasileiros seriam, de acordo com as pesquisas do geneticista Sergio Danilo Pena, considerados negros ou ameríndios, pois todos possuem, em porcentagens variadas, marcadores genéticos africanos e ameríndios, além de europeus, sem dúvida. ("From the American standpoint, all Brazilians would, according to the researches of geneticist Sergio Danilo Pena, be considered Black or Amerindian, for all of them have, in varied proportions, African and Amerindian genetic markers, besides, of course, European ones"))
  69. ^ Edward Telles. Race in Another America: the significance of skin color in Brazil. p. 85.: Thus, they claim that Brazil's informal one-drop rule holds that one drop of White blood allows one to avoid being classified as Black, a tradition that they seek to revert.
  70. ^ The concept and measurement of race and their relationship to public health: a review focused on Brazil and the United States
  71. ^ Using this term in the Brazilian sence, i.e., including other phenotypical characteristics, as hair, nose, lips, as "skin colour" markers.
  72. ^ Paula Miranda-Ribeiro and André Junqueira Caetano. Como eu me vejo e como ela me vê. pp. 12-13
  73. ^ Paula Miranda-Ribeiro and André Junqueira Caetano. Como eu me vejo e como ela me vê. pp. 12-13
  74. ^ IBGE. Census 2000. Tabela 2972 - Pessoas de 5 anos ou mais de idade por cor e raça, sexo, alfabetização e grupos de idade
  75. ^ Em 2007, trabalhadores brancos ganharam quase duas vezes mais que os negros, diz IBGE

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Race_in_Brazil

[Anonymous]

From what I understand what happened in Brazil and all the race mixing was the Churches told them that they could marry the native populations and within 10 generations they would be washed white, i forget the verse which it came from but it pretty much said that a bastard can not enter the congregation not until the 10th generation. It was encouraged, some people believe it was jewish subversion.

Back onto the topic, The out of africa theory is not correct.

http://erectuswalksamongst.us

Great free book online that explains the origins of man.

I thoroughly enjoyed the read.