EMAIL ID 59125: SOROS-PODESTA MASTER PLAN - HOW TO TAKE OVER AMERICA

[MikeWB]

EMAIL ID 59125: SOROS-PODESTA MASTER PLAN - HOW TO TAKE OVER AMERICA - 2008 AND BEYOND!
THIS DOCUMENT PROVES PODESTA HAS BEEN THE DE FACTO LEADER AND POLICY MAKER OF THIS COUNTRY SINCE 2008
EMAIL:
https://wikileaks.org/podesta-emails/emailid/59125
HERE IT IS PEOPLE - THE WHOLE SCHEME - TANKING THE ECONOMY, PROTRACTED WAR, DIVIDING AMERICANS, CONTROLLING THE MEDIA - IT'S ALL HERE!!!
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.......TRUMP HAS TO BRING DOWN THE SHADOW GOVERNMENT.......
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https://wikileaks.org/podesta-emails/fileid/59125/16202
Memo To:​George and Jonathan Soros, Peter and Jonathan Lewis, Herb and Marion Sandler, Steve Bing, John Sperling, Michael Vachon From:​John Podesta (writing as a private citizen) cc: ​Anna Burger, Rob McKay and Tom Matzzie Date:​October 30, 2007 RE: ​2008 COMBINED FUNDRAISING, MESSAGING AND MOBILIZATION PLAN
This memo serves as the follow-up to our September meeting in New York. Coming out of this meeting, I was charged with putting together a more detailed and structured overview of what the combined messaging and voter mobilization elements of an independent expenditure would like in 2008.
Since then, I have met closely with Anna Burger, Rob McKay, Tom Matzzie, Susan McCue, Martin Frost, Stan Greenberg, Paul Begala and others to discuss these questions and flesh out a concrete plan for action in 2008. Tom Matzzie has produced a comprehensive campaign plan and institutional framework for the messaging effort and this memo will draw upon many of his ideas. This planning is on top of the existing work already under way by the America Votes-Catalist-Atlas network on the mobilization side.
I am confident that collectively we have produced a viable and successful model for achieving victory in 2008 (and beyond) built on transparency and full accountability for everyone involved.
To win in 2008 we will need to mount two large campaigns. The first will use national, state and local media to define the issues and narratives that will ultimately shape the election—a progressive "Messaging Campaign." The second will be a voter contact and mobilization effort in targeted states to move swing voters and mobilize progressive voters—a progressive "Mobilization Campaign." A successful joint strategy must be developed and executed to connect the messaging component to the ground game.
We suggest that you keep in mind the following strategic goals as we try to develop a framework for electoral activity in 2008:
Create the conditions for a tidal wave against the GOP. The stakes of the election need to fit the historical moment. The country is massively off track. Nothing will change until Bush and his supporters are out and new leaders are in—leaders who will be willing and able to do what is necessary for the country. A likely downturn in the economy, the protracted war in Iraq, rising inequality and Republican resistance to change can help set the stage for widespread gains up and down the ballot in 2008. This must again be a nationalized election in terms of scope and message.
Keep the President's numbers down and brand all conservative candidates as "Bush Republicans." Bush's lame duck status cannot be allowed to create space for the Republicans to claim the mantle of change or conservative principle. The Republican presidential candidate will attempt to be the true heir of Ronald Reagan and may try to position himself as an agent for change, Sarkozy-style. We must continually remind voters that the nominee and all the rest of the Republican candidates are the residual forces of the failed Bush years.
Exploit the particular weaknesses of the Republican presidential nominee. Beyond tying the candidate to Bush, we must not be shy about reminding voters of the personal faults and character limitations of the Republican Party leader. The current crop of candidates is relatively unknown to Americans and will be ripe for definition through serious opposition research and media work. This will not happen organically. It will require sustained pressure and a willingness to play politics by their rules.
Ensure that demographics is destiny. An "emerging progressive majority" is a realistic possibility in terms of demographic and voting patterns. But it is incomplete in terms of organizing and political work. Women, communities of color, and highly educated professionals are core parts of the progressive coalition. Nationally, and in key battleground states, their influence is growing. Latinos and young voters are quickly solidifying in this coalition as well. But many of these voters are new to the process. All of these groups—in addition to working class voters and independents picked up in 2006—will require significant long-term engagement in order to keep them reliably on our side.
Control the political discourse. So much effort over the past few years has been focused on better coordinating, strengthening, and developing progressive institutions and leaders. Now that this enhanced infrastructure is in place—grassroots organizing; multi-issue advocacy groups; think tanks; youth outreach; faith communities; micro-targeting outfits; the netroots and blogosphere— we need to better utilize these networks to drive the content of politics through a strong "echo chamber" and message delivery system.
Set the stage for future progressive actions. All of this electoral activity will be for naught if we do not simultaneously advance a larger vision for why progressive change is necessary and how specific progressive legislation will achieve these goals. Should progressives win in 2008, the next president and Congress will face serious challenges in both cleaning up the mess of the Bush years and moving significant reforms in health care, energy, foreign policy and Iraq, poverty and mobility.
Leave something behind. We should think of investments in 2008 as building blocks for ongoing strategic campaigns and issue work in 2009 and beyond. Simply getting progressives elected will not be enough to maintain the political pressure and support necessary to pass progressive legislation and build a long-term, working majority.
Given the existing work on the voter mobilization side, primarily through the enhanced American Votes-Catalist-Atlas network and ongoing union efforts, most of our discussion in the New York meeting centered on the messaging side. The primary questions raised were: "What is the scope of the messaging campaign?" and "Who is going to run it?"
In this memo, I want to focus in greater detail on the messaging campaign, describe the mobilization effort again, and provide an overview of the governance and linkage between both efforts plus the joint fundraising through a new 527.
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The Messaging Campaign
The messaging component will be set-up through an existing 501(c)(4), currently named The Campaign to Defend America. This name will be changed when appropriate.
A (c)(4) board, with overlapping but not identical members from the other boards, will control the messaging component. Assuming resolution of some outstanding legal questions, I am prepared to serve as Chairman of the Board for the (c)(4) so long as I can continue to lead CAP/Action Fund. The messaging effort itself will be led by a President with full executive authority along with an executive team of three key individuals described below.
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ADDITIONAL ATTACHMENT - MEMO - SOROS PODESTA MEETING 2007
https://wikileaks.org/podesta-emails//fileid/59125/16203
Controlling the Dialogue, Messaging and Media
If the structure of voter contact/voter mobilization is relatively mature, the structure of using outside forces to control the messaging and the debate in the campaign is almost nonexistent.
Ever since the 1996 Clinton campaign discovered the soft money loophole in the campaign finance law to run "issue ads" that pummeled Bob Dole before he even got the nomination, national and local television campaigns have been waged using non-federal dollars. The McCain-Feingold law closed down the loophole Clinton used to run that advertising through the DNC, but a new avenue for soft dollars to be spent on advertising quickly was found through spending by so-called 527 organizations. The FEC was in the process of narrowing this new loophole when the Supreme Court, this June, blew a hole in the McCain-Feingold laws to permit 527's, unions, corporations, trade associations and others to run "issue ads" right up until Election Day.
The Media Fund in 2004 was built on this theory of soft money advertising and the notion that the candidate would be without resources from the spring through the convention.**

[MikeWB]

Here's some more on the relationship between Podesta and Soros from old emails.
Nov. 2007 (https://wikileaks.org/podesta-emails/emailid/8494):
Drew Weston is working on messaging on immigration and other issues for George Soros.
Nov. 2007 (https://wikileaks.org/podesta-emails/emailid/7960):
Soros: $5M to $10M -- Prepared to move $2.5M in the next 2 weeks.
December 2007 (https://wikileaks.org/podesta-emails/emailid/2485):
I just wanted to give you a quick update on the contributions. Lee Fikes $300,000 IN George Soros $2,500,000 IN ...
Jan. 2008 (https://wikileaks.org/podesta-emails/emailid/445):
In 2004, the answer was 527 committees, named after the tax-code provision covering them. These groups can take unlimited donations. Billionaire George Soros alone gave nearly $24 million to 527s that year.
Jan 2008 (https://wikileaks.org/podesta-emails/emailid/9500):
Soros 2.5 million to FFA (I have talked to Michael and he says most likely scenario is he gets to 5 and that is all).
March 2008 (https://wikileaks.org/podesta-emails/emailid/25342):
Michael Vachon had me come up to New York today to sit with George Soros and show him our ads. He liked them...a lot. And he REALLY liked McSame. I thought I'd be skewered for name puns but he thought it was sticky. Since he is a right-wing punching bag he just wanted to make sure he was OK with anything he was accused of funding.
December 2008 (https://wikileaks.org/podesta-emails/emailid/28429):
John, if this isnot too much of a pain in the ass, we are cooperating and expect v. positive coverage here.
Soros team to JP on interview request from then managing editor of U.S. Financial Times Chrystia Freeland, currently Canada's Minister of International Trade.
April 2015 (https://wikileaks.org/podesta-emails/emailid/19078):
[MV (Soros assistant)]: You available for dinner thursday night or lunch fri with George? [JP]: No. On the West Coast. ? [MV]: Ok. When are u in ny next? Ortherwise we'll come see you.
Summer 2015 (https://wikileaks.org/podesta-emails/emailid/7278):
With summer quickly approaching Mr. and Mrs. Soros are starting to plan the 2015 Southampton schedule and would enjoy your company. Please let me know which dates suit you best to come for a visit and hopefully we can coordinate a mutually convenient time for your stay.
Sept. 2015 (https://wikileaks.org/podesta-emails/emailid/26689):
John - I'm in DC coming to NY tomorrow. Markos and I are going to George Soros's birthday event on Saturday. I know there have been a few... Are you coming to this one?
Apparently one party was in Budapest, Hungary (https://wikileaks.org/podesta-emails/emailid/18067).
Feb. 2015 (https://wikileaks.org/podesta-emails/emailid/15585):
MV (Soros assistant): Do you want to meet if schedule work out? Also, at some point, perhaps Thursday if convenient, I would like to speak with you separately
March 2016 (https://wikileaks.org/podesta-emails/emailid/23075):
call when you are free. 202-999-0738
March 2016 (https://wikileaks.org/podesta-emails/emailid/24196):
Mr. Soros could NOT do dinner this Friday OR breakfast Saturday morning. >> Michael Vachon and I have scheduled the dinner for next Tuesday evening >> 3/15.
March 2016 (https://wikileaks.org/podesta-emails/emailid/19096):
JP: could you and George meet the afternoon of March 15? MV: That will not work. 16 th for dinner in ny. GS leaves for Europe next day. Possible?
March 2016 https://wikileaks.org/podesta-emails/emailid/29194):
Hi John, sorry it was so difficult for us to talk. I have attached a memo on TPP and Malaysia, as it may come up when you see George and Alex. In general I think George is more interested in talking about policy than the campaign per se, though I can't imagine you won't spend some time on politics. In a separate email I will send you George's latest thinking on the migration crisis, which he is spending a lot of time on. His other big preoccupation these days is Ukraine. Both the migration crisis and Ukraine are part of his view of Europe as falling apart, and the US as ultimately not doing enough to prevent the political disintegration of its most important ally.
Bonus: from the memo on TPP and Malaysia attached to previous email:
The Obama administration appears to have made the Trans-Pacific Partership the overriding priority of its engagement with Malaysia. In doing so, the administration has made visible compromises on principle that have set back Malaysia's difficult transition to democracy. In a region that his home to 240 million Muslims, it has sacrificed the moderate, democratic Muslim agenda to collaborate with a regime riddled with corruption and abuse of power. It has set back the fight against human trafficking by compromising the credibility of its own chief instrument in that struggle.