Israeli Nukes: Mordechai Vanunu

Started by Anonymous, August 19, 2008, 02:39:53 PM

Previous topic - Next topic

Anonymous

i don't think any jew has sacrificed more for humanity than this fella, got 11 YEARS SOLITARY CONFINEMENT after they entrapped him with a vixen in a hotel in Rome and smuggled him back for exposing Israeli nuke ambitions:

(is he sephardic?)



[youtube:39o2nr9r]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bLi7CGyv8sI[/youtube]39o2nr9r]

Interview in 3 parts:

[youtube:39o2nr9r]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nj-0sDdqrWU[/youtube]39o2nr9r]
[youtube:39o2nr9r]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SzUHYtucCzs[/youtube]39o2nr9r]
[youtube:39o2nr9r]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wmEoWfAL1yY[/youtube]39o2nr9r]

imsamhi

Yes, he is Sephardi. Family Moroccan from Marakesh (like mine from my father's side).

Tali Fahima too:
http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article3130.shtml

Tali Fahima is politically prosecuted:
http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2004/08/296677.html

imsamhi

Reading carefully the indimedia.uk article about Tali Fahima I noticed it is very misleading. It tries to portrait (to the "stupid goyim"...) Tali's political activism as a romance or something which it was not and this is a clear lie. I think this is a shill over their, and when seeing an ashkenazi-zionist signed as the writer I have no doubts.

Silencing DIssent in Israel
by Sami Shalom Chetrit
http://www.zmag.org/znet/viewArticle/7449

Radical action became more difficult in Israel lately. As Palestine / Israel enters the fifth year of the AlAqsa intifada (uprising), and with the "disengagement plan" going on now, tough measures are applied towards radical activists.

The Zionist state boasts democratic values, liberalism. The Zionist state boasts itself as "The only democratic state in the middle east". But this is just propaganda. In reality, there are some don'ts, that if one crosses them, one feels the heavy arm of the notorious Shabak (Hebrew acronym for General Security Service, GSS, AKA Shin Bet) and the judicial authority is more than happy to comply. If one's Jewish - preferably Ashkenaz (Jews of European origin) - the charter group - then one can go pretty far in hers/his dissent. If one's Palestinian - well, in the occupied territories there are hardly any rights, only handouts and occasional mercy of the military commander. Palestinian Israelis suffer from a lot of harassment once they engage in political activity. Searches, arrests, trials and imprisonments, interrogations by the Shabak whose aim is really to draft another collaborator. But Zionism is not for all Jews either. The Mizrahi (Jews originating from Muslim countries, mainly) activity should be limited to "bread, work" social protest types, and not radical left action. The Mizrahi still form most of the poor among the Jews in Israel. The only democracy in the middle east, a republic without any nobility, has a four layered society.

Bottom to top, Palestinians in the territories, Palestinian Israelis (called by the regime, in a patronising way, "Arabs of Israel"), Mizrahi, Ashkenaz. Of course, there are quite some that do not follow the rule, there's a Mizrahi president and a Mizrahi security minister, just as there is an African national security adviser and African secretary of state in the United States. The ruling Ashkenaz elite pits the Mizrahi against the Palestinians in many methods. Service in the police, the border units and the army are an important tool for social mobility. So many of the Mizrahi serve in the occupation and repression forces. They may not do so but this is often the only possibility to enhance their social economic status. Many Druze (a religious indigenous group) serve there as well, and it serves to split further the Palestinian society along religious lines, and serve as inconsistency in the Zionist practice to expose its "liberal" side -Druze reach high ranks in the security apparatuses. Currently the commander of the border units is Druze.

We shall bring here three cases of citizens that stepped out of their class rights. There are some political activities that must not be done by subjects of the lower three layers of society. The restrictions on Palestinian Israelis and Mizrahi Israelis are unwritten but are expressed very well as the regime takes strong oppressive measures to stop them.

Tali Fahima, a Mizrahi woman, grew up in the southern development town, as they are called by the establishment, named Kiriat Gat (formerly the Palestinian villages Faluja and Iraq AlManshiya). In the last elections she voted for Sharon. But Tali is a very special person. She wanted to talk to the other side. So she started to contact people in Arab portals, getting a lot of rejection first, but then finding out what people in the Arab speaking countries think and do. This led to her first contact with the notorious Shabak. She was summoned for interrogation in a police station, and was asked why she has all those contacts. She said the contacts were innocent, and was let go. Some time after she read in the newspapers an interview with Zakariya Zbeidi, a refugee of Jenin camp (originally from Qaysaria), commander of the AlAqsa martyrs battalions, and saw a film (Arna's children) where young Zakariya participated in a theatre group, several years before the intifada.

She was impressed by Zakariya stating that he wants peace, and once all this finishes he'd like to work as a gardener. To find out exactly what he means, she went to visit him. She went to Jenin refugee camp and met him. Later she declared she wishes to serve as a human shield for him, as he is a target for extra-judicial execution by the security forces. That caused much anger. Tali, together with Yusef Asfur, started collecting money for the children of the refugee camp. In one of her stays in the camp the army invaded the camp and started calling and searching her. The next day called the police and handed herself to the security forces at a checkpoint. She was accused of various charges, among them that she helped in terrorist actions but no charges were filed. She was released after spending time in house detention. Her detention and interrogation in the Shabak facility in Petah Tikva police station was not an easy one: the cell had no windows, no bed, the light was on 24 hours a day, and the toilet is a hole in the centre of the room. However the regime was unsuccessful in deterring Tali. Not long after her release she was arrested again on 9 August 2004, and she is detained ever since. She was arrested at a checkpoint while entering the west bank with clothes for the children. Two days later a bomb exploded in northern Jerusalem killing a Palestinian and injuring two border units policemen. The Shabak leaked to the media that she was connected to the action. During her interrogation her detention was extended again and again to almost a month. In the end the interrogators (always hiding behind aliases like "Albert" or "Itay") were brainwashing her. They told her that it's not true that the territories are occupied, tried to convince her and justify the actions of Zionism and the state. So when this did not work the minister of defence through the homefront commander issued administrative detention warrant against her. There's a similar procedure in the UK. People can be detained endlessly without a proper trial. People are locked only because the regime presumes they'll put the state security in danger. The various courts ratified the warrant in mock-procedures. The Shabak presented the judges secretive "evidence" that cannot be checked or encountered by the defence because of security needs. Tali is locked now in Neve Tirtza women's prison in Ramle. Lately the supreme court judge Ayala Procaccia ratified the warrant, and that's it for legal action. So Tali is locked and was not found guilty of anything. Indeed, Tali did radical actions for peace: very few people dare go to the refugee camp in Jenin to talk to the commander of the AlAqsa battalions commander there. But there are other aspects to that. Tali went beyond what is permissible to her as Mizrahi woman. The fact that a Likkud voter can do something like that really poses a threat to the current order. What if other people will start to think freely?

Another case is that of Muhamed Kan'ane, secretary general of Abnaa ElBalad (Children of the Country) movement. Muhamed Kan'ane is a Palestinian Israeli, therefore with less rights (and harsher measures taken against) than if he were Mizrahi. Abnaa ElBalad is a Marxist party that supports a one state solution, and refrains from participating in the elections. Parties eligible for participation have to acknowledge the state doctrine that Israel is the state of the Jewish people. Muhamed Kan'ane was found guilty in contact with a foreign agent - he had political meetings with Ibrahim Ajwe, a political activist and researcher from Jordan. He was sentenced in February to 30 months imprisonment. The meetings he held were a part of his duty as secretary general. When he was arrested in February this year, together with other comrades of Abnaa ElBalad, the Shabak said that there were military contacts between the party members and Hizbulah of Lebenon - all this smear was absent from the court charges, and the Shabak has not stood back from these accusations.

Our third example is that of Ahmad 'Awwad. Ahmad 'Awwad is a Palestinian of the occupied territories. That means actually that he has hardly any rights acknowledged by the state. Mr. 'Awwad lives in the western rim of the West Bank in a village called Budrus. Budrus lost much of its land in the 1948 war like all other border villages. Then came the occupation in 1967 and lately the wall. The villagers have been struggling directly and nonviolently against it for almost a year. The demonstrations were joined by all parties. Many Israelis - Palestinians and Jews joined the demonstrations usually encountered by tear gas and occasional rubber coated metal bullets of the border units. The struggle proved fruitful - the army, under pressure from the court moved the fence westward, and now the village was to lose "only" 100 dunams (Dunam = 1000 m^2), out of area of 5,000 dunams. When the villagers learned that the new trajectory will not respect the court order they renewed their struggle. Ahmad 'Awwad is a member of the Budrus popular committee against the fence, and organised demonstrations with Israeli activists. The Shabak thought that this is dangerous and Colonel Yossi Adiri issued an administrative detention warrant. As these are the occupied territories and 'Awwad as a Palestinian is subject to different laws and judicial system the case went to military court before the military judge Adrian Agasi. Now you'll see why we do not believe judge Agasi will have a great career in the military courts system. Agasi thought that 'Awwad does not pose a threat to the public safety and ordered the warrant to be cancelled. The warrant cancellation was cancelled in an appeal before the military court of appeals. The military commander demanded four months but the court ratified two. Judge Moshe Tirosh said that he hopes that these two months will deter 'Awwad from his evil path whose end is unseen. In an impressive style he concluded, paraphrasing from the Talmud, Masechet Avot - "He should know where from he is coming and to where he is going, and there is someone before whom he should give explanations." That someone in the Talmud it is God almighty. In the occupied territories it is the honorable judge Adiri. However 'Awwad has not way of knowing what he must not do - he is incarcerated after the judge saw secret material presented before him by the Shabak - and not presented to 'Awwad himself or his lawyer. Maybe God almighty will show him the way. Putting 'Awwad in jail decreases public safety - because the people in Budrus and other villages may resort to violent direct action.

These three examples, and there are quite a few more, demonstrate the limits of debate and action in the self proclaimed only democracy in the middle east.

We fear that with the Gaza pullout (and West Bank settlments annexation which was approved by the Bush administration) the Zionist state will behave more as in siege, and the actions against activists will increase as they will be less and less tolerated. Actions against the left will also be used as if to balance actions against settlers opposing the pullout.